|
Complementary instruments
Types of instrument |
Overcoming financial barriers |
Overcoming political barriers |
Compensating losers |
Reinforcing benefits |
Land-use |
- |
- |
Provide rented social housing
in area to protect less well off against rent rises. |
High-density development centred around
light rail stops. |
Integration of the scheme with local and regional plans
with major government investment in area and incentives for the private
sector to do likewise to kickstart regeneration |
Attitudinal and behavioural |
Passive
advertising campaigns |
- |
- |
Individualised
marketing campaigns |
Infrastructure measures
|
- |
- |
- |
New
rail stations |
bus lanes |
interchanges and termini |
guided
bus |
|
Management of the infrastructure
|
Bus feeder services |
- |
- |
Parking
controls |
Station security |
Bus feeder services |
Cycle parking and safe, pleasant and convenient walk
and cycle routes to interchanges |
Pedestrianised streets, restricted access
for private vehicles, traffic-calming and lower speed limits |
Cycle parking and safe, pleasant and convenient
walk and cycle routes to interchanges
Pedestrianised streets, restricted access for private vehicles,
traffic-calming and lower speed limits
|
Information provision |
- |
- |
- |
Real time public transport information.
|
Conventional timetable and other service information. |
Charging |
Urban
road charging, |
- |
- |
Public transport fare levels.
Public transport fare structures. |
work place parking levies |
parking charges |
In this work, three types of complementary policy that can help to enhance
the benefits of a new light rail scheme have been identified from the
surveys: operating policies, transport planning policies and urban planning
policies. These distinctions are rather artificial because several of
the policies are to do with enhancing the integration of transport planning
and urban planning and so could be categorised under either heading. The
use of these policy instruments is considered for 11 systems: two in Canada
(Calgary and Vancouver), three in Britain (Manchester, Sheffield, and
Tyne and Wear), and six in the U S (Baltimore, Los Angeles, Portland,
Sacramento, San Diego, and St Louis).
The measures used as part of these policies are indicated in the table
below.
The operating policies for a variety of LRT systems are indicated in
the table below:
Experience of the systems with operating policies |
System |
High
frequency service |
Travelcards
|
Free
transfer to buses |
Some
free travel |
Marketing
and advertising |
Security
staff on board and at stations |
Calgary |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Vancouver |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Manchester |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sheffield |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Tyne and Wear |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Baltimore |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Los Angeles |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Portland |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sacramento |
|
|
|
|
|
|
San Diego |
|
|
|
|
|
|
St Louis |
|
|
|
|
|
|
The policy has been effective in enhancing the success
of the system.
The policy has been implemented but failed to have significant
effects.
It is not clear whether the policy has had any effect on
the performance of the system.
Source: Babalik (2000), Mackett and Babalik (2001b)
Note: In Sheffield, introducing additional staff for ticket sale on board
has enhanced the security image of the system.
It should be recognised that some of these indicators imply simply an
assessment of the extent to which the policy has been implemented: for
example, all the systems received some form of marketing and advertising
even if the only coverage has been in the local press (adverse or otherwise),
so a positive indication in the table implies the implementation of the
policy to a significant extent, which is not necessarily the same as whether
or not it was effective, only where a policy was clearly not a success
is a cross allocated.
Of the systems being considered here, only Vancouver and Manchester are
considered to offer high frequency service. A travelcard is a period ticket
which permits travel on all public transport modes in an area. It is sometimes
possible to offer a ticketing system that offers travel on several modes
in a deregulated environment, but it is unlikely to be comprehensive.
Such a system has been tried in Sheffield, but does not seem to have had
a significant effect. All the other cities outside Britain, except Portland,
have implemented such systems. The deregulation of buses in Britain (outside
London) makes it very difficult to offer a travel card and free transfer
to buses because these require co-operation between companies whereas
deregulation is designed to encourage competition.
Calgary, Portland and St Louis offer some free travel. For example, free
travel is offered between six stations in the city centre off-peak on
St Louis MetroLink. The idea is that it will encourage those who would
otherwise never use public transport to try it, thereby overcoming a mental
barrier.
As mentioned above, all new light rail systems are likely to be publicised,
but some systems have had explicit marketing and advertising campaigns.
All the North American systems were the subject of such campaigns, but
in the case of Sacramento it seems to have been fairly ineffective. Of
the three British systems, only in Sheffield has there been an extensive
campaign, but it has not been very effective.
Like many examples of publicly-owned infrastructure, light rail systems
can be vulnerable to vandalism. They can also be perceived as dangerous
for lone travellers, particularly after dark. All non-automatic systems
carry a driver, but he or she is usually in a locked driving cab, partly
for their protection. For all these reasons some systems have staff either
at stations or on board. Whilst this increases costs, it can save money
in terms of revenue protection and reducing vandalism, and can enhance
revenue by encouraging those who would otherwise find travelling unescorted
intimidating. For example, in Sheffield the ticket machines on the stations
were regularly vandalised and there was considerable revenue loss from
non-payment of fares. The introduction of conductors has helped to increase
revenue significantly.
An indication of the effectiveness of transport planning policies to increase
the benefits of LRT are shown in the table below.
Experience of the systems with transport planning
policies |
System |
Integrating
system into regional planning |
Integrating
system into existing urban projects |
Locating
stations at trip attractors or generators |
Integrating
bus services with new system |
Providing
car parking at stations |
Restricting
car parking in the city or in the CBD
|
Calgary |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Vancouver |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Manchester |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sheffield |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Tyne and Wear |
|
|
|
*
|
|
|
Baltimore |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Los Angeles |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Portland |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sacramento |
|
|
|
|
|
|
San Diego |
|
|
|
|
|
|
St Louis |
|
|
|
|
|
|
The policy has been effective in enhancing the success
of the system.
The policy has been implemented but failed to have significant
effects.
It is not clear whether the policy has had any effect on
the performance of the system.
Source: Babalik (2000), Mackett and Babalik (2001b)
Note: * Policy was implemented and was effective during the first 5 years
of the operation
Integrating the system into regional planning and integrating the system
into existing urban projects are to do with integration of the light rail
system into the existing infrastructure, either by incorporating it into
a regional plan as happened in Calgary, Vancouver, Portland and Tyne and
Wear, or incorporating it into an existing urban project, such as regeneration
of an area, as has happened in Vancouver, Tyne and Wear, San Diego and,
unsuccessfully, in Sheffield.
A light rail system is more likely to be successful if it connects two
large centres which generate or attract trips, preferably over the whole
day, to ensure a continuous high level of patronage. This happened in
Calgary, Baltimore, Los Angeles, Portland, St Louis and San Diego. In
all cases except the last it seems to have helped increase patronage.
The effects are not so clear in the case of San Diego.
Buses can serve a complementary role to a light rail system by acting
as feeder services. This approach takes advantage of the bus's ability
to go on any road, to collect passengers to take to the light rail system
which can then take them into the city centre at high speed on a segregated
track. Buses can also be used as distributors if appropriate. This method
is used for the North American systems. Deregulation of buses in Britain
prevents it. It was used in Tyne and Wear until the buses were deregulated
in 1986.
Integration with walking and cycling are further considerations. Safe
and convenient walk and cycle routes to the stations are likely to increase
patronage by reducing the total disutility (generalised cost) of the trip.
Improving access by cycle to public transport interchanges can significantly
increase their catchment area. A report by the Bikerail consultancy on
the potential for integrating cycling and heavy-rail estimated that whilst
only 19% of the population were within a 15 minute walk of a station,
60% are within 15 minutes of their nearest station by cycle (Bikerail
1999).
Cycle parking is a relatively cheap and space efficient means of improving
integration between LRT and cycles. Consideration should also be given
to allowing cycle carriage, particularly during the off-peak. In the Netherlands
30% and 10% of light rail trips access and egress interchanges by bike
respectively, demonstrating the potential of the integration of cycles
and light rail transit (Presentation by Hugh McClintock, 2004). Significant
levels of integration between cycling and LRT have been achieved in various
European cities such as Basle, Freiburg, Karlsruhe and Strasbourg (McClintock,
2004).
The other two policies relate to car parking: providing car parks at stations
means that the light rail system can be used for park and ride. Restricting
parking in the city centre can make use of light rail relatively more
attractive. Car parking has been provided at stations on all the systems
except Vancouver. In the British systems it does not seem to have been
very effective. Only in Calgary has car parking been restricted elsewhere
as a policy to encourage light rail use.
Calgary seems to be the place where transport planning policies have been
used most to encourage use of the light rail system. In Britain, some
policies have been tried, but they do not seem to have been very successful,
especially in Manchester and Sheffield. All the US systems have been the
subject of at least two complementary transport planning policies which
seem to have been successful.
The systems utilising urban planning policies to increase benefits are
shown in the table below.
Experience of the systems with urban planning policies |
System |
Adapting
plans to the new system by rezoning |
Incentives
for transit-oriented development |
City
centre redevelop-
ment projects and actions |
Urban
renewal projects |
Joint
develop-
ment projects |
Locating
public develop-
ment at stations |
Pedestria-
nising
streets |
Calgary |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Vancouver |
|
|
|
*
|
|
|
|
Manchester |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sheffield |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Tyne and Wear |
|
|
*
|
|
|
|
|
Baltimore |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Los Angeles |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Portland |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Sacramento |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
San Diego |
|
|
*
|
|
|
|
|
St Louis |
|
|
|
*
|
|
|
|
The policy has been effective in enhancing the success
of the system.
The policy has been implemented but failed to have significant
effects.
It is not clear whether the policy has had any effect on
the performance of the system.
Source: Babalik (2000), Mackett and Babalik (2001b)
Note: * These are the projects that the systems were integrated into the
second transport planning policy; therefore, they are not shown under
urban planning policies to avoid double counting.
One urban planning policy that is used in North America is rezoning. This
means changing local plans to encourage location of activities that will
produce many light rail trips near to stations. Sometimes local ordinances
are varied, for example allowing higher buildings close to stations than
would normally be allowed. Rezoning has been used successfully in Vancouver,
Los Angeles, Portland, San Diego and St Louis.
Several of the urban planning policies shown here relate to the concept
of synergy between the light rail scheme and major urban development schemes:
the urban development generates passengers for the light rail system,
the light rail system provides access for customers, staff and residents
who will make the urban development scheme more successful. These include
offering incentives for transit-oriented development as has happened in
Vancouver, Portland, Sacramento (unsuccessfully), San Diego, and St Louis.
Other ways urban projects can be used to encourage use of the light rail
system are by undergoing major redevelopment projects in the city centre,
or elsewhere, undertaking joint projects of which the light rail scheme
is an integral part, and locating public development at stations, either
facilities for public use or offices in which public servants work. Vancouver,
Los Angeles, Portland and St Louis are the cities where such policies
have been used most successfully.
The final complementary policy to be considered here is pedestrianising
streets. This means closing streets to cars to make them available for
pedestrians, and in some cases, light rail vehicles. This means that the
light rail system can operate in the city centre without interference
from cars, pedestrians can access shops without having to worry about
traffic in crossing streets, the whole environment can be landscaped and
made more pleasant, and car journeys to the centre are discouraged. Often
park and ride facilities on the light rail system means that motorists
can travel efficiently to the city centre without taking their cars all
the way. Issues such as deliveries have to be addressed. This is a good
example of a situation in which the introduction of a new light rail scheme
can be used to instigate a whole series of improvements to the city.
These types of urban planning policy have been used most extensively in
Vancouver and Portland. They have not been used much in Calgary, Baltimore
and the British cities.
Babalik (2000) has developed a simple technique for assessing the factors
which make urban public transport schemes successful. Success seems to
be a function of two sets of factors: the nature of the city and the complementary
policies that are used. Once it has been decided to develop a light rail
scheme in a city, apart from careful choice of the line of the routes,
success or otherwise seems to depend fairly heavily on the skilful use
of these complementary policies. Such skilful use seems much more prevalent
in North America than Britain. This means that, although cities in Britain
with their relatively high densities and low car ownership levels, are
intrinsically more amenable to light rail, some of the North American
systems are more successful. In fact, of the systems examined by Babalik
(2000) the most successful ones seem to be in Canada, in Vancouver and
Calgary. Then come systems such as those in St Louis, Portland and San
Diego, which seem to be doing better than those in Britain. It can be
seen in the tables above that these North American systems have many of
the complementary policies in places, whereas that is not the case to
the same extent in Britain. It ought to be added that some of the US systems,
such as those in Baltimore and Sacramento are fairly unsuccessful, and
these are the ones where such complementary policies have been used less.
It has been shown that complementary policy instruments can be used to
enhance the benefits of light rail schemes, and the work cited suggests
that such policies can make the difference between success and failure.
|