|
First principles assessment
Why introduce different fare levels
Fare levels tend to reflect the costs facing operators. As such fare
levels will tend to differ between modes and also within mode between
different operators. Over time fare levels will tend to rise to reflect
the rise in costs facing operators, however fare levels can also differ
in the short run for the same service, for example peak and off-peak fares.
This reflects a desire of the operator to maximise his profits by introducing
price segmentation into the market place and charging what the market
will bear. It also reflects a desire on behalf of the operator to spread
their passenger loading throughout the day to ensure that every passenger
who wishes to travel can do so, and that the level of service offered
to those passengers is at least perceived to be of an acceptable standard.
In countries and regions were fares are regulated and controlled by central
or local government, fares may be changed to reflect a desire to improve
accessibility/equity throughout the general population. A desire to reduce
car use to reduce environmental externalities and improve efficiency are
other possible policy aims which can aided by reducing fare levels.
Demand impacts
When fare levels change they influence the level of demand for public
transport. In general, all other things being equal, an increase in fares
will reduce patronage, whilst a decrease in fares will increase patronage.
The size and direction of the change in demand following a change in fares
can be expressed in terms of a fare elasticity and is defined as,
For example, if the fare elasticity of bus demand with respect to bus
fares is –0.4, and all fares were to increase by 10% we would expect
patronage to decrease by 4%. The fare elasticity is therefore a measure
of the price sensitivity of bus passengers.
The absolute size of the fare elasticity conveys information on the sensitivity
of demand to changes in the factor affecting demand and its sign conveys
information on the direction of the change. Fare elasticities are defined
as inelastic if they are less than 1.0 and elastic if they are greater
than 1.0. The larger the fare elasticity the more sensitive passengers
are to changes in the fare.
A wide range of factors influence the size of fare elasticities, and
are considered in the following sections, e.g. current fare levels, size
of fare change, service quality etc. Whilst these factors can be discussed
in isolation it is likely that more than one of them will exert an influence
at the same time.
There are a number of factors that will influence the size of the fare
elasticity and these are listed below:
- Fare levels – the higher the current fare the more sensitive
passengers will be to fare changes.
- Size of fare changes – the larger the change in the fare the
more sensitive passengers will be to the fare change.
- Income levels – those on high incomes are less likely to be
sensitive to changes in bus fares, whilst those on low incomes more
sensitive.
- Service quality – passengers may be less sensitive to fare
changes if the quality of service is high.
- Competition from other modes – strong competition from other
bus operators and from other modes of transport will make passengers
more sensitive to fare changes.
- Socio factors – Males tend to be more sensitive to fare changes
than females. The elderly and school children are also more sensitive
to fare changes.
- Journey purpose – travellers commuting to work or school tend
to be less sensitive to fare changes, whilst leisure travellers are
more sensitive.
- Distance – passengers will be more sensitive to changes in
fare if they are only travelling short distances since walking is always
an option.
- Urban vs Rural – passengers tend to more sensitive to fare
changes in rural areas compared to passengers in urban areas.
- Area - passengers tend to be less sensitive to fare changes in metropolitan
areas compared with non- metropolitan areas.
- Peak vs Off Peak – passengers tend to be less sensitive during
peak periods of travel, compared with off-peak periods of travel.
The recent publication, Demand for Public Transport Publication (TRL,
2004) compares short run bus, metro and suburban rail fare elasticities
for both the UK and non-UK systems.
Table 1 Public Transport Fare Elasticities (short run)
Mode |
UK |
Non-UK |
Overall |
Bus |
-0.43 |
-0.37 |
-0.42 |
Metro |
-0.31 |
-0.29 |
-0.30 |
Suburban Rail |
-0.58 |
-0.37 |
-0.50 |
Overall Public Transport |
-0.44 |
-0.35 |
-0.41 |
(TRL, 2004)
The UK fare elasticities are higher than the non-UK values, which may
reflect the lower fare levels (due to higher levels of subsidy) and better
quality of service found in many non-UK countries. Metro (underground)
has the lowest fare elasticities, hence metro passengers are least sensitive
about a change in price. So for example a 10% increase in fare levels
would reduce patronage on the metro by 3.1% as compared with a !0% increase
in fare levels for suburban rail which would reduce patronage on the railway
by 5.8%. Metro’s low elasticity reflects the main advantage it has
over other modes in a major city environment, namely its ability to offer
a fast method of travel between the city centre and outer urban areas.
Road congestion prevents the bus or car from offering a comparable service,
whilst suburban rail does not have the same network penetration and walking
takes too long. Suburban rail has the highest elasticity and this may
reflect the fact that the car is the next most preferred mode. The cost
of suburban rail is quite high when compared with the car and a moderate
change in rail costs might be enough to persuade a rail user to switch
to the car.
This last point illustrates the interaction between modes and the choices
faced by passengers when experiencing an increase in costs for the mode
they currently use. The impact on the demand of one mode as a result of
competition from another mode is measured by cross elasticities. These
elasticities measure the change in demand for a given mode as a result
of the change in one of the factors associated with another transport
mode (mainly fare or service frequency). Cross elasticities tend to be
very specific to the relative market share they are estimated from and
so are not easily transferred across time and space.
The impact of cross elasticities can be complex as a change in one factor
can impact very differently across different modes of transport. The bulk
of the evidence suggests that the cross elasticity of car with respect
to changes in public transport characteristics is low. For public transport
demand with respect to car characteristics the evidence suggests a somewhat
larger elasticity, whilst the cross elasticities between public transport
modes are also more substantial. The factors influencing cross elasticities
are listed and outlined below,
- Relative Market Shares - this has already been touched upon but in
practice if bus has a major share of an existing market then an improvement
in the competition will have a smaller impact than if bus’s share
was minor. That is to say that a large market share for bus would indicate
that other modes are not perceived to be good substitutes to bus for
a variety of reasons, quality of current service, price of current services,
range of services etc.
- Own Mode Elasticity – the higher the own mode elasticity the
greater the scope for passengers to substitute it for other transport
modes. Again this is related to the current price and service quality
of a mode and would indicate that other modes are seen as good substitutes.
- Substitution – Bus and underground (in London) and inter-urban
coach and rail (in non-London areas) are seen as close substitutes for
each other and have similar sized cross elasticities. This contrasts
with bus and car in both London and non-London areas, which are not
seen as close substitutes.
Cross elasticities of demand are difficult to interpret, as they are
partly dependent on modal shares. Dargay & Hanly (1999) suggest an
elasticity of + 0.02 for car use with respect to bus fare. An earlier
review by Dodgson (1990) found the most convincing elasticities for car
used with respect to bus fare to be + 0.03 in London and + 0.01 in provincial
UK cities. He reports that the low value outside London reflects the low
modal share of public transport in non-London regions. Grayling and Glaister
(2000) use a cross elasticity of + 0.09 for London, whilst London Transport
Table 2 London Transport Cross Elasticities
Mode |
With respect to |
Elasticity |
Underground |
Bus fare |
+0.21 |
Underground |
Rail fare |
+0.18 |
Bus |
Underground fare |
+0.10 |
Bus |
Rail fare |
+0.05 |
Source: TRL (2004)
We now present the demand impacts on car kilometres from both an increase
and a decrease in fare levels for public transport. It should be noted
that the biggest impact on car travel would come from a change in the
fare for rail travel since rail users are more likely to switch to car
than bus users, who are less likely to have access to a car, and metro
users for whom the car is not a viable option due to congestion levels
in the cities.
Table 3 Public Transport Fare Increase - Demand
Impacts
Response |
Reduction
in road traffic |
Expected in situations |
|
- |
Switch from peak period travel to off-peak
travel for non-commuting trips. |
|
- |
Unlikely to change route. |
|
|
Some journeys might become more local
, e.g. food shopping. But purchase of a car would mean more non-local
journeys. |
|
|
Increase as some passengers with car access
switch to car and some extra trips are generated. |
|
|
Some passengers with car access shift
to car. |
|
- |
Not in the short term. |
|
- |
Not in the short run. |
|
=
Weakest possible response, |
|
=
strongest possible positive response |
|
= Weakest
possible negative response, |
|
= strongest
possible negative response |
|
= No response
|
Table 4 Public Transport Fare Decrease - Demand
Impacts
Response |
Reduction
in road traffic |
Expected in situations |
|
- |
May switch from off-peak period travel
to peak travel for non-commuting trips. |
|
- |
Possibly change route as car users switch
to public transport. |
|
|
Some local journeys might be replaced
with longer journeys , e.g. shopping trips. |
|
|
Decrease as some car passengers switch
to public transport service. |
|
|
Some passengers with car access shift
to public transport. |
|
- |
Unlikely. |
|
- |
Highly unlikely |
|
=
Weakest possible response, |
|
=
strongest possible positive response |
|
= Weakest
possible negative response, |
|
= strongest
possible negative response |
|
= No response
|
Level of Response
In the long run we would expect more public transport users to purchase
a car or to move jobs/house in order to reduce the distance they have
to travel, following an increase in public transport fares.
Table 5 Public Transport Fare Increase - Demand
Impacts
Response |
- |
1st year |
2-4 years |
5 years |
10+ years |
|
Switch from peak to off peak. |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
Not likely to change |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
Might change house or job. |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
Passengers purchase and use a car. Additional
trips are made. |
|
|
|
|
|
Passengers purchase and use a car. |
|
|
|
|
|
People purchase a car. |
|
|
|
|
|
Long run, may be a factor in looking at
new houses |
- |
|
|
|
|
=
Weakest possible response, |
|
=
strongest possible positive response |
|
= Weakest
possible negative response, |
|
= strongest
possible negative response |
|
= No response
|
In the long run we would expect more public transport users to make additional
trips and for some car users to switch to public transport for some trips.
Table 6 Public Transport Fare Decrease - Demand
Impacts
Response |
- |
1st year
|
2-4 years |
5 years |
10+ years |
|
May switch from peak to off-peak. |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
Likely to change for former car drivers. |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
Slight change as local trips replaced
with trips further afield. |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
Some car users will switch to public transport
and so make less journeys by car. |
|
|
|
|
|
Some car users will switch to public transport. |
|
|
|
|
|
Unlikely in short term. |
- |
- |
|
|
|
Unlikely |
- |
- |
|
|
|
=
Weakest possible response, |
|
=
strongest possible positive response |
|
= Weakest
possible negative response, |
|
= strongest
possible negative response |
|
= No response
|
Short and long run demand responses
Supply impacts
In the short term a change in public transport fares and the change
in patronage it triggers is unlikely to have any impact upon the level
of service provided by operators unless a large increase in passengers,
following a reduction in fares, led to severe overloading. Over the
long-term operators are more likely to reconfigure their services to
take into accounts overloading, different movements in populations and
changes in land use. In reality any such changes would not be driven
solely by changes in fares, but would a contribution of factors of which
fares would be one.
Expected impact on key policy objectives
Table 7 Fare Levels : Expected Impacts - of
an Increase in Fares
Objective |
Scale of contribution |
Comment |
|
|
Increases congestion and delays due to public transport users switching to car. |
|
|
Increases
community severance |
|
|
Increases
air and noise pollution. |
|
|
Low
income users cannot afford to travel as often. |
|
|
Additional
accidents from more traffic. |
|
|
Higher
congestion reduces time for more productive work |
|
|
Increased
revenue for public transport operators. |
| = Weakest
possible positive contribution, | | = strongest
possible positive contribution |
| = Weakest
possible negative contribution | | = strongest
possible negative contribution |
| = No contribution | | = Unknown contribution |
Table 8: Increase in Fare Levels, Expected Impact on Problems
Contribution
to alleviation of key problems |
Problem |
Scale of contribution |
Comment |
Congestion-related delay |
|
By increasing traffic volumes |
Congestion-related unreliability |
|
By increasing traffic volumes |
Community severance |
|
By increasing traffic volumes |
Visual intrusion |
|
By increasing traffic volumes |
Lack of amenity |
|
By increasing traffic volumes |
Global warming |
|
By increasing traffic volumes |
Local air pollution |
|
By increasing traffic volumes |
Noise |
|
By increasing traffic volumes |
Reduction of green space |
|
By increasing pressure for new road
building and less dense car orientated development |
Damage to environmentally sensitive sites |
|
By increasing traffic volumes |
Poor accessibility for those without a car and
those with mobility impairments |
|
Increasing cost of travel and therefore
reduced accessibility |
Disproportionate disadvantaging of particular
social or geographic groups |
|
Increasing cost of travel will disproportionately
affect the socially excluded with no car available. |
Number, severity and risk of accidents |
|
By increasing traffic volumes |
Suppression of the potential for economic activity
in the area |
|
Higher congestion may reduce productivity
and, along with the increased cost of public transport, may deter
people and businesses from locating in the area. On the other
hand, a possible reduction in subsidy requirement and therefore
taxes may stimulate economic growth. |
| = Weakest
possible positive contribution, | | = strongest
possible positive contribution |
| = Weakest
possible negative contribution | | = strongest
possible negative contribution |
| = No contribution | | = Unknown contribution |
Table 9: Decrease in Fare Levels, expected
impacts on objectives
Objective |
Scale of contribution |
Comment |
|
|
Reduces congestion and delays due to
public transport users switching to car. |
|
|
Decrease in community severance |
|
|
Reduction air and noise pollution. |
|
|
Low income users can afford to travel
more often. |
|
|
Reduction in accidents from reduced
traffic. |
|
|
Lower congestion reduces time for more
productive work |
|
|
Reduced revenue for public transport
operators. |
| = Weakest
possible positive contribution, | | = strongest
possible positive contribution |
| = Weakest
possible negative contribution | | = strongest
possible negative contribution |
| = No contribution | | = Unknown contribution |
Table 10: Decrease in Fare Levels, Expected impact on problems
Contribution
to alleviation of key problems |
Problem |
Scale of contribution |
Comment |
Congestion-related delay |
|
By decreasing traffic volumes |
Congestion-related unreliability |
|
By decreasing traffic volumes |
Community severance |
|
By decreasing traffic volumes |
Visual intrusion |
|
By decreasing traffic volumes |
Lack of amenity |
|
By decreasing traffic volumes |
Global warming |
|
By decreasing traffic volumes |
Local air pollution |
|
By decreasing traffic volumes |
Noise |
|
By decreasing traffic volumes |
Reduction of green space |
|
By decreasing pressure for new road
building less dense car orientated development |
Damage to environmentally sensitive sites |
|
By decreasing traffic volumes |
Poor accessibility for those without a car and
those with mobility impairments |
|
Decreasing cost of travel and therefore
increased accessibility |
Disproportionate disadvantaging of particular
social or geographic groups |
|
Cost of travel increase will disproportionately
affect the socially excluded with no car. |
Number, severity and risk of accidents |
|
By decreasing traffic volumes |
Suppression of the potential for economic activity
in the area |
|
Reduced congestion may increase productivity
and along with the reduced cost of public transport may encourage
people and businesses to locate in the area. On the other hand
a possible increase in subsidy requirement and therefore taxes
may stimulate economic growth. |
| = Weakest
possible positive contribution, | | = strongest
possible positive contribution |
| = Weakest
possible negative contribution | | = strongest
possible negative contribution |
| = No contribution | | = Unknown contribution |
Expected winners and losers
The previous sections have already emphasised the fact that an increase
in fare levels is likely to have a larger impact than a reduction in
fare levels. The main losers from an increase in fare levels will be
people on low incomes and other road users in general. The former will
have reduced access to public transport whilst the latter are likely
to experience an increase in traffic levels and so journey times.
The main winners will be the transport operators who will see an increase
in revenue, despite experiencing a fall in patronage.
Table 11: Increase in Fare Levels: Winners/Losers
Group |
Winners
/ losers |
Comment |
Large
scale freight and commercial traffic |
|
More
traffic and congestion on roads, increases journey times. |
Small
businesses |
- |
No
change |
High
income car-users |
|
More
congestion on the roads increases journey times. |
People
with a low income |
|
Reduces
amount of travel they can afford. |
People
with poor access to public transport |
- |
No
change. |
All
existing public transport users |
|
An
increase in costs. Tempered somewhat by a reduction in journey
times (reduced boarding/alighting) and overcrowding. |
People
living adjacent to the area targeted |
- |
No
change. |
People
making high value, important journeys |
|
More
traffic and congestion on roads, so an increase in journey times. |
The
average car user |
|
More
traffic on roads, so an increase in journey times. |
|
=
weakest possible benefit, |
|
=
strongest benefit |
|
= weakest
possible disbenefet, |
|
= strongest
possible disbenefit |
|
= neither
wins nor loses |
The main winners from a decrease in the fare level will be people with
low incomes and road users in general. The former will be able to afford
to travel more often and so access a wider range of goods, services and
employment opportunity. The latter will experience a small reduction
in traffic levels and so an improvement in travel times. The main losers
will be transport operators who will experience a reduction in revenues
despite an increase in patronage.
Table 12: Decrease in Fare Levels: Winners/Losers
Group |
Winners
/ losers |
Comment |
Large
scale freight and commercial traffic |
|
Less
traffic and congestion on roads, very slight reduction in journey
times. |
Small
businesses |
- |
No
change |
High
income car-users |
|
Less
congestion on the roads so a very slight reduction in journey
times. |
People
with a low income |
|
Increases
the amount of travel they can afford. |
People
with poor access to public transport |
- |
No
change. |
All
existing public transport users |
|
A
reduction in costs. Tempered somewhat by an increase in journey
times (increased boarding/alighting) and overcrowding. |
People
living adjacent to the area targeted |
- |
No
change. |
People
making high value, important journeys |
|
Less
traffic and congestion on roads, so a very slight reduction in
journey times. |
The
average car user |
|
Less
traffic on roads, so a very slight reduction in journey times. |
|
=
weakest possible benefit, |
|
=
strongest benefit |
|
= weakest
possible disbenefet, |
|
= strongest
possible disbenefit |
|
= neither
wins nor loses |
Barriers to implementation
Table 13: Increase in Fare Levels
Barrier |
Scale
|
Comment |
Legal |
Increase
(UK)
(others)
Decrease
|
In
the UK
bus operators can charge what level of fares they like, whilst
railways and some of the LRTs are governed by a ceiling imposed
by local authorities Other countries either follow the UK
model or allow local authorities to impose fare levels. The legal
barrier to increasing fare levels will therefore change from country
to country but will tend to be higher for non-UK countries.
The legal barrier for reducing fares will tend to be low in both
the UK
and non-UK countries. |
Finance |
Increase
Decrease
(UK)
(others) |
Increasing
fares will lead to an increase in revenue. In the UK
bus operations are self financing, it is therefore unlikely that
fare reductions will take place and more likely that fare increases
will occur. In other countries where the local authorities regulate
the fare the same authorities also tend to subsidise operators.
The will be continuous pressure to either reduce subsidies or
to maintain them. Over time this is likely to lead to fare rises
as opposed to fare reductions. |
Political
|
Increase
(UK)
(others)
Decrease
(UK)
(others) |
There
will be plenty of political lobbying for a reduction in any subsidies
paid to transport operators. At the same time there will be an
equal amount of lobbying, particularly from passengers, to maintain
fares at current levels. Financial pressure means that reducing
fares will most likely not be viewed as an option by the parties
involved. |
Feasibility
|
|
Implementing
fare changes is very feasible. The only problem is changing the
fare information and publicity. |
|
=
minimal barrier, |
|
=
most significant barrier |
Text edited at the Institute for Transport Studies,
University of Leeds, Leeds LS2 9JT
|