|
Evidence on performance
Tromso, Norway
The material presented here comes from Milne, Niskanen and Verhoef (2000),
Operationalisation of Marginal Cost Pricing within Urban Transport, AFFORD
Deliverable 1, Government Institute for Economic Research, Helsinki, plus
private communications with Dr David Milne, Institute for Transport Studies,
University of Leeds, and Terje Tretvik, SINTEF, Norway.
Context
Charging schemes in Norway are implemented on a temporary basis to fund
infrastructure construction. Once costs have been recovered, charging
schemes are removed. One such charging scheme is the implementation of
a fuel tax increment in Tromso. Whilst fuel tax cannot usually be varied
between regions due to the high potential for avoidance behaviour, Tromso
is so remote that it would not be possible to drive to an area with lower
fuel tax to purchase fuel.
The additional fuel tax - 0.50 NOK per litre of petrol and auto diesel
- was introduced in 1990, and increased to 0.65 NOK in 1996. The tax will
be in place until the end of 2003. Net income from the tax was 18.7 million
NOK in 2001. The tax was introduced to part finance an investment package
of main highway infrastructure (including a subsea and other tunnels)
for Tromso.
Impacts on demand
The tax was expected to reduce car travel by two to two and half percent.
However, this does not appear to have happened. It is likely that the
demand impacts of the infrastructure funded by the tax have counteracted
some impacts of the tax itself. The subsea tunnel is known to have increased
car and decreased bus travel for certain origin-destinations. Further
to this, total transport costs have decreased despite the tax, and cyclists
and buses have obtained improved operating conditions.
Contribution to Objectives
Objective
|
Comment
|
|
The additional infrastructure funded by the tax will have improved
efficiency.
|
|
Possible increases in car use as a result of additional infrastructure
may have had negative impacts on liveability.
|
|
Construction of new infrastructure and possible increases in car
use as a result may have had negative impacts on the environment.
|
|
If the new infrastructure has improved accessibility, then equity
and inclusion benefits are possible. However, the tax itself may
have had negative impacts, especially on those with a low income.
|
|
Increased car use resulting from availability of new infrastructure
may have had negative safety impacts.
|
|
Improved infrastructure may have attracted investment and hence,
generated economic growth.
|
|
The financial impacts of the tax are neutral, as it is implemented
to recover costs and removed once this has been achieved.
|
California, USA
The material cited here is taken from the Online Travel Demand Management
Encyclopedia, compiled by Litman.
Whilst the Tromso example cited above is an exception, fuel tax is
usually set at a national level, and is not generally hypothecated. This
means that fuel tax is generally not implemented in same way as other
charging instruments such as urban road charging. Fuel tax is implemented
as a general revenue raiser and to influence consumption of fuel to meet
environmental objectives. Impacts are therefore national and virtually
impossible to disentangle from other national policy instruments. However,
Litman (2002) cites modelling of the effect of fuel tax increases in California,
USA.
Table 1 Impacts of Fuel Tax Increase, Year 2010 (Harvey
and Deakin (1997) Table B.8 in Litman (2002))
Region
|
Additional fuel taxes applied in addition to current taxes
|
Change in total vehicle mileage
|
Change in total vehicle trips
|
Change in congestion-related delay
|
Change in fuel consumption
|
Annual revenue in millions of 1991 US$
|
|
$0.50
|
-3.6%
|
-3.4%
|
-8.5%
|
-8.8%
|
$1,332
|
Bay Area
|
$2.00
|
-11.7%
|
-11.3%
|
-25.5%
|
-30.6%
|
$4,053
|
|
$0.50
|
-4.1%
|
-3.9%
|
-7.0%
|
-9.3%
|
$414
|
Sacramento
|
$2.00
|
-13.2%
|
-12.7%
|
-22.0%
|
-31.8%
|
$1,245
|
|
$0.50
|
-3.9%
|
-3.5%
|
-8.0%
|
-9.1%
|
$747
|
San Diego
|
$2.00
|
-12.5%
|
-12.0%
|
-23.0%
|
-31.1%
|
$2,257
|
|
$0.50
|
-4.2%
|
-3.5%
|
-9.5%
|
-9.3%
|
$3,724
|
South Coast
|
$2.00
|
-13.0%
|
-12.5%
|
-28.5%
|
-31.6%
|
$11,235
|
“Deakin and Harvey (1997) model the effect of a fuel tax increase on
transportation impacts in four major urban regions in California. Table
1 summarizes their results for the year 2010. It indicates, for example,
that in the South Coast (Los Angeles) region, an additional 50˘ per gallon
tax would reduce total vehicle trips by only about 3.5%, but congestion
delay would decline by 9.5%, and fuel consumption would decline by 9.3%.
Another study finds that a $0.40 increase in fuel prices would reduce
regional vehicle trips by 1.2% and vehicle mileage by 1.4%, while a $2.00
increase would reduce trips by 6.7%, and mileage by 7.2% (PSRC, 1994)”
(Litman, 2002)
Contribution to Objectives
Objective
|
Comment
|
|
The decrease in congestion-related delay will make a significant
contribution to efficiency.
|
|
The reductions in vehilce trips and mileage, and fuel consumption
will contribute to liveability improvements.
|
|
The reductions in vehilce trips and mileage, and fuel consumption
will contribute to protection of the environment.
|
|
No evidence is presented on this topic.
|
|
The reductions in vehilce trips and mileage should contribute to
a reduction in the number of accidents.
|
|
The decrease in congestion-related delay will make a significant
contribution to economic growth.
|
|
Substantial incomes can be generated
from fuel tax increments.
|
Gaps and Weaknesses
As indicated, there is little evidence on the effect of fuel taxes as
a policy instrument because they are generally implemented on a national
basis to meet a wide variety of objectives, not all of which are transport
related.
Text edited at the Institute for Transport Studies,
University of Leeds, Leeds LS2 9JT
|